Thursday, 12 June 2025
NATIONALISE TO SAVE ALEXANDER DENNIS BUSES
Wednesday, 4 December 2024
WE NEED SOCIALIST POLICIES TO COMBAT THE FAR RIGHT
Political formations trading on racist incitement and utterly false promises of looking after the poor, while propping up the worst excesses of capitalist exploitation, have gained ground in the likes of Hungary, Poland, Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Germany.
Closer to home, the obnoxious Nigel Farage scapegoats immigrants and people of colour for the collapse in housing and other public services which his class of bankers created.
He demonises migrant workers – despite 35% of NHS doctors and 28% of NHS nurses being born outside the UK – but gives less prominence to Reform UK’s call for complete privatisation of health services, and tax cuts of £88 billion on big business and the super-rich.
After Reform UK’s recent Scottish council by-election results, the media is bulging with speculation about Farage’s racist demagogues gaining a dozen MSPs in 2026. We need to take this threat seriously. But to confront and defeat the far-right we first need to identify why some people are voting for them, and what alternatives need to be forcefully popularised by socialists, trade unionists, and decent human beings wanting to halt the far-right from wreaking havoc in our communities.
Why did Donald Trump – a billionaire pretending to be an outsider and a misogynist bigot – increase the Republicans’ vote by 2.4 million, not only from chunks of the white working class but also black and Latino workers, and many women?
Fundamentally through mass disillusionment with the political system run by and for the billionaires, in what amounts to a one-party state with two rival factions, leading to 130m Americans not voting, and the loss of 7.2m votes for the Democrats.
The billionaires funded this election to the tune of an unprecedented $16bn, with 83 of them (including Bill Gates and Michael Bloomberg) supporting Kamala Harris, and 52 billionaires (including Elon Musk) funding Trump’s election. America truly is “a dollar democracy”, where money buys presidents, and thereby the legislation to keep money in the hands of the few at the expense of the many.
Despite being the benefactor of a rigged system that upholds the dictatorship of capital over labour, of millionaires over millions of working-class Americans, with wealth inequality wider than the Grand Canyon, Trump tapped into the mass alienation of millions of working-class people.
When he posed the question “do you feel better off?”, this found an echo in a society where 60% live from paycheque to paycheque, standing on the brink of disaster if they fall sick or meet an unexpected bill, when wages have fallen in 25 consecutive months.
The failure of the Democrats’ capitalist administration to meet the basic needs, let alone dreams, of the working-class majority fuelled disillusionment, despair and the search for scapegoats and messiahs, with billionaire Trump demagogically pretending to speak for the poor.
The millions duped by his rhetoric, as they raged against the capitalist status quo openly defended by the Democrats, will rue the day they voted for him – when his tariffs put prices up, or he repeats his tax cuts of 2016-20, which meant the richest 400 families paid less tax than their servants!
Much of the same can be said of Britain. For instance, in just the six months prior to the General Election, rich individuals and capitalist companies donated £9.9m to the Tory Party, but £15.5m to Keir Starmer’s Labour. They clearly know which side their bread is buttered on!
Labour are hellbent on upholding the rule of the rich over the rest of us. Ideologically, they are fundamentally identical to the Tories. And the mass disillusionment with their capitalist policies, careerism and corruption threatens to fuel the growth of Reform UK.
When Labour freezes pensioners to death by scrapping the universal Winter Fuel Payment but freezes Corporation Tax on big business profits – including energy companies – they are fuelling disgust and anger at the capitalist status quo that they seek to uphold.
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Farage helped incite the racist riots last summer |
Rather than let the far-right exploit this disillusionment, the SSP appeals to the potentially powerful trade union movement and community activists to demand immediate reinstatement of pensioners’ universal Winter Fuel Payments now, this winter. And a doubling of Corporation Tax on big business to its pre-Thatcher 52% level, which would raise an extra £85bn for jobs, pensions, wages, disability benefits, and public services.
Not only Starmer’s Labour Government, but the Scottish Government of John Swinney and free marketeer Kate Forbes, are both busily wooing international capitalists to seize the opportunity to profiteer from wind, wave and tidal power.
Instead of the capitalist status quo where privatised energy harvested £45bn in profits in 2022, alongside escalating fuel poverty in energy-rich Scotland, a socialist government would take all forms of energy into democratic public ownership.
That would make every household £1800 better off purely by removal of profiteering, but also allow rapid transition to green, affordable energy production, with plans drafted by the expertise of energy workers themselves. Last week, I was proud to march alongside Grangemouth, North Sea and other workers, demanding investment and green production to save every Grangemouth job.
This goes to the heart of worldwide issues of climate change, fossil fuel industries, and how to simultaneously defend workers’ livelihoods and the planet we live on.
The planet is on fire, with drought, floods and mudslides creating 386 million climate refugees since 2008, with predictions of 1.2bn people being thus displaced by 2050.
Savage job losses in the likes of oil, gas and car industries underline the utter inability of the capitalist profiteers to create clean, green jobs.
The abject failure of governments internationally, variously comprising conservatives, social democrats and Green parties, has fuelled the fires of the far-right – who mostly deny climate change even exists, and feed on the anger at job losses in, for example, Germany’s Volkswagen car plants, as demand for electric vehicles decline.
The abject failure of both Labour and SNP governments to take Grangemouth into public ownership in defence of all the jobs, with investment in a workers’ alternative plan of green production, could potentially also assist the far-right.
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https://scottishsocialistparty.org/product/socialist-change-not-climate-change-poverty-pollution-and-working-class-solutions/ |
The SSP’s alternative of a Socialist Green New Deal, founded on democratic public ownership of energy, transport, construction, and banking – which I demonstrated in our book, Socialist Change Not Climate Change, could create at least 350,000 new green jobs – is more urgent than ever.
It could provide free retrofits to every home, free public transport for all, and 100,000 eco-friendly council homes at affordable rent.
It should be taken up by the 600,000-strong Scottish trade union movement as an alternative to the failures of the profit-crazed free market – regardless of which party is in government – and the lies and demagogy of the far-right.
This generation faces the choice of socialism or the barbarism of the capitalist far-right. It’s time for genuine socialist change.
Originally published as my column in The National paper on 3 Dec 2024
Friday, 6 October 2023
RUTHERGLEN AND HAMILTON WEST BY-ELECTION RESULTS: INITIAL THOUGHTS
Labour
leaders Sir Keir Starmer and Anas Sarwar are waxing lyrical about the result of
last night’s Rutherglen & Hamilton West by-election being ‘seismic’; proof
of the looming certainty of Labour sweeping into government; an indication that
people see the need for ‘a fresh start’ and that they’ve entrusted Labour as
the party to bring about ‘change’ from the ‘incompetence, inefficiency, and
divisiveness of two governments’ – Tory and SNP.
A sense of
proportion is important in politics, and above all a willingness to dig beneath
the surface of things.
There is no
denying Labour crushed the SNP in the vote – winning a 58% share of votes cast,
compared with the SNP’s 27%. Undeniably, that is a huge turnaround from the
voting shares in the 2019 general election in this seat, when the SNP won with
44% of all votes cast, against Labour’s 34% share.
Polarised
Vote Between Labour and SNP
We predicted
a massive polarisation and crushing predominance in votes between Labour and
SNP, in a battleground that could help determine the fate of both Labour
leaders and Humza Yousaf - which would crush and squeeze other parties,
including the SSP. On the day, Labour
and SNP votes combined accounts for 85.3% of the total votes cast!
But despite
the superficial talk of ‘a 20% swing from the SNP to Labour’ – heralding a
Labour government next year, with at least 20 seats gained by Labour in
Scotland - this vote was no ringing endorsement of Starmer’s right-wing Labour.
Labour’s
vote actually fell by 700 since 2019. And the most crushing indictment of what
is on offer to working-class voters from the major, ‘mainstream’,
pro-capitalist parties is that a derisory 37% of registered voters turned out
to vote – a catastrophic collapse from a 66.5% turnout in December 2019.
People were
clearly sending out the message ‘a plague on all your houses’, ‘we’re fed up
with the lot of you’.
Catastrophic
Collapse for SNP
Chief
victims of the consequences of this widespread voter disgust are the SNP –
whose vote collapsed from nearly 24,000 to 8,399! That has huge repercussions
for Humza Yousaf and the SNP.
Voter
desertion from the SNP was undoubtedly driven – amongst a few factors – by
anger at the Covid rule-breaking by former SNP MP Margaret Ferrier. Despite
being chucked out of the SNP by Nicola Sturgeon on discovery of her cavalier
breach of Covid rules, and sitting as an Independent MP since, Ferrier was
still widely regarded as linked with the SNP – with not just the necessary 10%
of the electorate but 15% of them turning out in July, photographic ID in hand,
to cast their vote in the Recall Petition, triggering the by-election.
In tandem
with that, we witnessed widespread, often scathing criticism of the SNP, in
part driven by unionist media vilification, but more importantly by the lived
experiences of thousands of people who feel bitterly let down and disillusioned
with the SNP in government – compounded by the crises surrounding the police
inquiries into their financial affairs, and the unprecedented divisions on
display during the recent SNP leadership contest.
Workers’
Collective Action puts SNP on the Spot
In my
opinion, underpinning all these factors is the eruption of workers’ collective
conflict with the SNP/Scottish Green Party government, in several sectors such
as FE colleges, schools, local government generally, the fire service, and
previously on the railways – in stark contrast to previous years when they got
away with appearing to be ‘all things to all classes, workers and employers
alike’, during a period of very low levels of class struggle.
Now they’ve
been put on the spot in wage struggles, trade union action on jobs and public
services – leading to the frequent comments we encountered in the by-election
along the lines “the SNP have had their chance, now I’m voting Labour.”
Tory
Votes Collapsed into Labour
However,
superficial commentary on ‘a 20% swing from the SNP to Labour’ misses another
key factor; the Tory vote collapsed, catastrophically, from over 8,000 in 2019
to 1,192. And we have plenty of anecdotal evidence that many of them didn’t
just stay at home but turned out to vote Labour “to get the bloody SNP out”, as
more than one of them said to us.
Likewise,
Labour will have gained some ex-LibDem votes, given the latter’s vote plummeted
from 2,791 to 895.
No
Enthusiasm for Labour
Above all,
people abstained en masse, with a mere 37% turnout, down from 66.5% in 2019! So,
no ringing endorsement of Starmer's and Sarwar's Labour; there was no
enthusiasm for Labour on the ground, and even many who voted for them on the
day told us of their contempt for what Starmer represents.
Yes, this
by-election result reinforces the likelihood of a Labour government next year –
primarily as a backlash against the corruption, incompetence, and class cruelty
of the Tories. But the great advantage of the by-election - and in particular
our courageous decision to stand an SSP candidate despite our accurate predictions
of a polarised domination of the voting between Labour and SNP - is that it has
helped unmask Labour in the eyes of thousands of people, including many who
voted Labour whilst ‘holding their nose’ at the stench of betrayal emanating
from Starmer’s weekly retreats on policies.
Change?
No Change!
Starmer,
Dame Jackie Baillie, and their tame parrot, Michael Shanks, trotted out clichés
about the ‘need for change’ and ‘a fresh start’. But in the same breath they effectively
warned people not to get their hopes up of either change or anything resembling
a fresh start under a Labour government!
Despite our
modest resources, the SSP played an invaluable and very incisive role in
exposing Labour’s act of ‘getting their betrayal in first’, long before being elected.
SSP
Exposed Labour’s Continuity Tories
We denounced
– on street meetings, in leaflets, and press statements – their escalating
reversal of previous promises: to abolish the bedroom tax; scrap the vicious two-child
benefits cap and its attendant rape clause; ban all zero hours contracts; levy a
wealth tax on the rich; take any action on climate change that differs from the
Tories, such as stopping the 100+ new licences to tax-dodging Big Oil to plunder
and pollute in the North Sea for profit.
We exposed their
refusal to promise a £15 minimum wage; their refusal to breach Tory public
spending limits and branded them as ‘the Continuity Tories’ – a phrase on our
street meetings and leaflets which caught a lot of attention.
SSP Under
a Labour Government
This was an important
preparation for the role the SSP will have to play if or when Labour wins next
year’s general election; warning working-class people of their capitalist
politics, their support for the same rotten poverty, inequality, exploitation,
and pollution as we’ve suffered under years of Tory rule. And more importantly
still, popularising a genuine, hard-hitting, socialist alternative.
SSP Vote
As we expected
and predicted, the SSP – along with all other parties and candidates – was
squeezed by the polarised binary battle between Labour and the SNP, in the
entirely undemocratic, unrepresentative Westminster First Past the Post voting
system.
We lost
count of the people who said, “I agree with what you’re saying, but you’re not
going to win”. Unfortunately, they proceeded to waste their votes on either Labour
or the SNP, sometimes despite believing that would indeed lead to ‘no change’.
We came a
respectable 8th out of 14 candidates. We had to fight ferociously for every
vote, and for every column inch in the media.
I will leave
a fuller account of our outstanding campaign for a further article. For now, suffice
to say we probably had more local activists campaigning than the victorious
Labour – who mostly relied on MPs, MSPs, councillors, and hired party staffers
to swamp the area. They came from all over Britain – including at least as far
afield as London, the Midlands, and Cornwall!
Vibrant
SSP Campaign
We were the
only party to hold countless street stalls and street meetings at least twice a
week, often simultaneously in two or three of the four towns.
We had two
brilliant public events: a night of film and music, featuring the oft banned
“Oh, Jeremy Corbyn! The Big Lie”, exposing the conscious sabotage of Corbyn’s
election prospects by Starmer and the right-wing Labour machine; and an
inspiring SSP public meeting, with speakers from the FE Unison strikes,
University strikes, Fire Brigades Union, SSP candidate Bill Bonnar, and myself.
Both were
regarded by SSP members and totally new people in attendance as one of the best
events they could remember, adding several recruits to the SSP on top of those
who’d already joined us in the three months of campaigning prior to then.
On the day,
we came 8th out of 14 candidates.
Another tiny
group on the left – who we asked to stand aside in favour of giving the SSP a
free run in a constituency where our party has a history of activity for the
past 25 years, including contesting parliamentary and council elections at least
12 different times, and where they have literally never stood before – added some confusion amongst voters attracted
to a socialist alternative.
Whilst the
SSP got about 160% as many votes as them, the pity is that our combined votes
would have put us in at least 6th place, beating the two reactionary
parties, Reform (ex-UKIP) and Family Party.
Indeed, if
they hadn’t indulged in such a sectarian act, the vote for the well-established
SSP would have been even greater than the sum of the two divided parts, as I
asked them to recognise when we met to try and get them to stand aside.
Popularising
Socialism; Building the SSP
Our vote was
never the prime criterion for us standing. We popularised a socialist
alternative on the streets, had two brilliant public events, recruited large
numbers of quality new members, helped train many members in the battle, and got
a lot of very hard-earned press coverage. The SSP’s profile has been enhanced
immensely.
Despite our
modest vote, the campaign was a great success. It lays firm foundations for the
future role of the SSP, as the growing socialist opposition to a mercilessly
right-wing, pro-capitalist Labour government in the year or so ahead.
It took
great courage, and bucketloads of vision and dedication, to put up a socialist
challenge in the specific circumstances of this by-election; we can be proud of
all the SSP members and future members who waged this relentless socialist
campaign for nearly four months.
Thursday, 25 May 2023
IT'S OFFICIAL: LABOUR ARE THE REAL CONSERVATIVES!
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The hunger to dump the Tories is in danger of getting a New Tory PM |
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Blair's landslide election in 1997 left Tory laws and inequality intact |
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1945 Labour government used troops against dockers 5 days after being elected |
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Labour government used troops against firefighters' strikes |
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Whilst SNP threaten use of army to break firefighters' strike, SSP stand with workers |
Saturday, 28 January 2023
THE TITANS OF TIMEX, DUNDEE 1993
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A typical early morning picket, Timex 1993. Photo: Craig Maclean |
Thirty years ago, on 29 January 1993, workers in the multinational Timex Dundee factory launched a seven-month battle that electrified workers across the UK and far beyond.
A mostly female workforce of 343, they fought with heroic courage to stop the decimation of jobs, wages, holidays, pension rights and other conditions, but were confronted by mass police intimidation and press smears.
At a localised level, this titanic battle between workers and a ruthless capitalist employer, backed to the hilt by a press lie-machine and a virtual police occupation of parts of their own city, had many of the hallmarks of the great miners' strike of 1984-5.
This showdown occurred under a Tory Westminster government that had constructed a mountain of anti-union laws to block workers’ resistance to being exploited. But the workers and their shop stewards drove a coach and horses through the Tory laws designed to help multinationals and millionaires profit from generations of workers and then toss them aside like squeezed lemons.
They ignored the limit of six to a picket day and daily. They fought on despite elected shop stewards being banned from the picket line, with court interdicts and threats of being jailed. They confronted a diluted version of apartheid South Africa’s pass laws, which banned pickets from areas of their native city - which were saturated by police.
Waves of Solidarity
This courageous fighting militancy triggered waves of admiration and support from tens of thousands of workers across the UK, who collected in their workplaces for the Timex workers’ hardship fund, and travelled hundreds of miles to join them on the mass pickets and demos that were an almost weekly occurrence for much of the 7-month showdown.
And if the national union leaderships and STUC had shown half the determination and courage of those who mounted daily 24-hour pickets in all weather; regular mass pickets; protest demos and solidarity strike actions with the Timex workers, they could have won a clear, history-changing victory.
Timex had a Dundee branch factory for 47 years, with 5,000 workers in the 1970s. It was one of the shiny new electronic industries - alongside the likes of National Cash Registers - that was bribed to set up shop in the former city of 'jute, jam and journalism', as shipbuilding and heavy industry collapsed, with an array of council and government grants and tax breaks.
But as the SNP government of today would do well to heed, reliance on multinational capitalists setting up branch plants in Scotland for its skilled, cheap labour and generous business tax regime is a recipe for the creation of urban deserts when they up sticks and move on to even richer pastures, devastating whole communities in their global race for maximum profit.
The Sussex Spiv
Timex, whose HQ was in Connecticut, brought in a ruthless Sussex spiv, Peter Hall, as £100,000-a-year director of operations in Britain. He started to strip the Dundee plant of jobs and working conditions. Before Xmas 1992 there was open talk of layoffs. On 5 January the workers each got a letter, some of them 'thick', meaning they were sacked, others 'thin', not laid off.
The workers responded to this vicious attempt to divide and conquer by occupying the canteen. The slippery Hall promised negotiations with their union, the AEEU (now part of UNITE), and up until 29 January the bulk of the workers did rotating shifts to fill the gaps created by layoffs, awaiting the promised negotiations. Meantime they voted by 92 per cent to strike, which they did on 29 January when it was plain the promised talks and attempts to bring in ACAS weren't going to happen.
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Women workers were the backbone of the inspiring Timex struggle |
Strike and Lockout
Round-the-clock pickets were mounted, rotas arranged, food and shelter organised on the Harrison Road gates.
Mass meetings of strikers had agreed to march back to work en masse on 17 February, united, demanding reinstatement of all. The Timex bosses locked them out, demanding lay-offs, a 10 per cent pay cut across the board, loss of holidays, increased hours, cuts to pension rights and other humiliations as the price for opening the gates. The workers refused to be cowed, and were locked out for the next 6 months, until Timex eventually gave up their attempt to run the factory with unskilled, untrained, underpaid scab labour and closed down its Dundee plant on 28 August 1993.
Eight years after the defeat of the miners, the defiant stance of Timex workers was an inspiration to hundreds of thousands of workers across the UK, who for years had faced managerial dictatorship and multiple setbacks in the wake of Thatcher’s Tories inflicting defeat on the vanguard of the trade union movement, the miners.
The Timex revolt occurred at a time when the miners and rail workers were gearing up to strike together against job losses, and public sector workers planned action against the 1.5 per cent pay limit of the time.
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Scottish Militant Labour - the biggest single component forming the SSP 5 years later - played a major role in mobilising solidarity and discussing tactics with the Timex strikers |
Scottish Socialists
Some of us who went on 5 years later to be founding members and organisers of the SSP gave our practical and political support to the strikers throughout their battle. We held regular discussions with pickets and the Strike Committee, and organized solidarity speaking tours round workplaces and public meetings all over the UK and Ireland, and even through contacts in other parts of Europe.
Women workers blossomed as public speakers, winning the hearts and minds of tens of thousands. As one of them expressed it at the time, "When I was in there in the factory I felt like a nobody, now I am somebody. I feel ten times more important than anyone in there [scabs]".
Mass Pickets
One of the key means of building wider support for the locked-out workers was mass pickets, often on a Monday morning, with buses and carloads from all over the UK arriving. On several occasions at least 1,000 thronged outside the main gates; arguably the biggest pickets in Scotland in modern history.
Two schools of thought competed. Some top union officials, who had done nothing to call or build these expressions of workers’ solidarity, wanted just a passive gathering. Others, including the Strike Committee and pickets themselves, agreed with those of us who advocated mass human walls of solidarity outside the factory entrance to block buses ferrying in scabs.
We argued that to be fully effective, and to sustain the momentum and involvement of workers trekking across the country to join them, the mass pickets needed to aim at halting the buses, halting production, even if only for a few hours or a day. And on some occasions, Hall gave the scabs a day off when a mass picket had been announced - a tremendous boost to morale at the time.
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Police were mobilised from across the UK to escort scab-carrying buses through the pickets |
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Police thuggery
Mass police operations were mounted to block the pickets from being effective, with police violence and snatch squads. Some of their actions were beyond belief for the workers, a harsh eye-opener to the role of the state.
They crushed pickets up against fences whilst they escorted scabs into work. A young woman had her arm broken during arrest by snatch squads on the picket line, was dragged into police cells, then taken to have her arm set on the hospital, and brought back to the cells for 27 hours before being released - without charge!!
A Glasgow socialist who drove a minibus to the mass picket to drop people off was arrested and charged with attempted murder, but after the fury that erupted at the arrest she had her charge reduced to dangerous driving; from ‘attempted murder’ to ‘attempted driving‘!!
Despite the peaceful nature of the pickets themselves, Tory prime minister John Major denounced "picket line violence“. The majority of the press took their cue from this monstrous lie, with headlines like "mob fury".
Police chiefs and editors collaborated with Timex bosses to demonise the pickets and their supporters, in a vain attempt to isolate them from the mass of workers.
Union Right-Wing Treachery
But the most scandalous aspect of this was the way right-wing AEEU and STUC officials and Labour politicians aped the Tory talk of ‘picket line violence‘.
Needless to say most of them had never attended a picket, especially during the 90-day sacking notices. But when the Timex workers’ resilience and mass pressure for action from below by active trade unionists obliged the STUC's general secretary Campbell Christie to lead a special STUC General Council trip to the picket on 19 May, he rightly stated, "There will be no peace and tranquility at the Timex factory until all sacked workers are reinstated".
But he went on to wreck the impact of that comment by telling TV cameras, "We will be asking people to come to Dundee...but we don't want anyone to come to break the law or create violence."
As I wrote at the time, "Who did Campbell have in mind? Was it over 500 'outsiders', bussed into Dundee at public expense, fed and paid overtime from the public purse, who fought desperately to clear the road for Peter Hall’s hired scabs...and who dress in distinctive blue uniforms?"
AEEU leaders Gavin Laird and Jimmy Airlie went far further in their treacherous treatment of 343 members who had inspired fellow workers across the land.
They wrote to Timex workers threatening them with expulsion from the union. They threatened to withdraw the modest £30 a week strike pay these workers got. They tried to ban a prominent strike leader from speaking on socialist public meeting platforms.
Boycott
Instead of these acts to undermine the fight, they should have thrown the weight of the union behind the boycott of Timex products that had been gathering pace across the UK. And as we argued at the time, they should have been organising AEEU workplace meetings with Timex speakers alongside national union leaders calling for a 'boycott' of Timex at firms that supplied them and were their chief customers, such as Creda, IBM and Electrolux.
General Strike
Alongside mass pickets to blockade the scab factory to actually halt production, and union-organised boycotts of Timex supplies and products, the other chief strand of struggle was unified solidarity strike action.
The call for a 24-hour general strike, initially in Dundee, later Scotland-wide, was repeatedly discussed, debated and pondered on the picket lines and Strike Committee. Those of us advocating this did so in the context of mounting opposition to the Tories from numerous sections of workers, including teachers, firefighters, miners, rail workers, NHS staff, council staff and postal workers. In the latter case, posties took unofficial strike action - and won!
The wave of support for Timex was shown by the 10,000 who marched with them as early as mid-March. On several occasions, we advocated that the STUC should call a one-day strike, at least in Dundee, and then build for it through workplace meetings. That was no mere socialist wishful thinking, plucked out of the air, but based on the fact that partial walkouts were organised from below in the absence of a fighting plan being forthcoming from either the AEEU or STUC leaderships.
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One of many large solidarity marches, mostly built from below by shop stewards and union activists |
Strikes From Below
In mid-April, the STUC called a demo, and 1,000 joined the mass picket earlier that morning. Big contingents of Dundee workplaces walked out to join the 6,000-strong demo, in the likes of NCR, Valentine’s, Bulkbag, Holochrome, Ninewells hospital laundry and Dundee district council. In some firms, management gave time off work as they faced a 2 or 3-hour strike anyway.
If union national leaders had built on this, solidarity strike action even in the Dundee area itself would have divided employers, as they lost production due to the stubborn refusal of Timex to reinstate their workers.
But instead of taking up this, the best the STUC could do after 92 days of struggle was to promise “to consider demonstrations against those who supply Timex”, with Campbell Christie declaring “There will be no secondary action and we will not be calling for secondary action”, and BBC TV reporting “He rejected the call for a 24 hour general strike despite repeated calls for it.”
Christie explained, “Tory anti-union laws are unfair and the STUC want them changed, but the Timex campaign has to operate within the legal constraints introduced by the government.”
The real fact of life was that Timex workers defied these vicious laws for the previous 90 days, and inspired such vast working class solidarity that the bosses dare not use Tory laws to remove all bar 6 pickets, for instance.
One STUC General Council member took the next logical step, arguing against Strike Committee members who advocated a 24-hour general strike, advising them to “wait for a Labour government”. If they had swallowed that line, all too common in the unions at the time, they would have had to wait 4 years - and then get treated to Blair’s New Tories in office!
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John McAllion, Labour MP at the time, now a member of the SSP. Photo: Craig Maclean |
Handpicked Workforce
After the 90-day sacking notices expired on 17 May, Timex bosses would have dearly loved to pick and choose who to reinstate. But the workers made it plain it was ‘one back, all back’, demanding removal of the scabs and reinstatement of all 343 under their old contracts with continuity of service.
The Strike Committee called more mass pickets and a rally, appealing to workers across Scotland, who responded in their thousands.
Instead of escalating the action, the AEEU leadership of Laird and Airlie had secret phone calls to Timex, who came up with a new “offer”. This was, as one woman picket described it, “diabolical crap”!
They offered a 27 per cent pay cut, loss of shift premiums, loss of the Xmas bonus, and skill tests for workers’ own jobs so as to weed out those they wanted to be rid of.
Despite Laird recommending this, a mass meeting threw it out by 341 to 2, and I witnessed women literally chasing him down the street to the train station in fury!
Timex next tried to cow the workers and clear the gates of pickets with a threat of closure by Xmas, with vague talk of enhanced redundancy payments and taking back 100 or 150 workers on reduced wages.
Women told us, “We will hunt down Fred Olsen [Timex owner] across the world and destroy him” and “If Olsen pulls out of Dundee we will drive him out of Europe.”
Factory Occupation
The time had arrived for a new tactic to stop asset stripping of the machinery and to force reinstatement, either by bludgeoning Timex bosses into submission, or a Tory government alarmed at rising turmoil into intervening: a factory occupation.
We discussed that with the Strike Committee, who were open to the idea, but all the obstacles thrown up by mass policing and the cowardly role of national union leaders meant it didn’t happen.
Nevertheless, the plan Timex bosses had of bringing back some of the skilled workers to bolster production, with predictions of at least £25m sales in the remainder of 1993, and to then either continue production in a high tech factory with a skeleton workforce of skilled workers on Third World wages - or to sell it off for a good price - collapsed in the face of incredible tenacity by the workers.
They were forced to pull out of Dundee in late August - possibly afraid the workers would precisely seize the factory. They caught them unawares with such a sudden closure.
Permanent Closure
That was a tragically sad day for a city whose workers had piled up Timex profits for generations, with whole families working there.
But for most of the heroic fighters who had inspired a generation during their prolonged battle, it was the lesser of two evils; a better outcome than to let a ruthless multinational cast aside its skilled, organised workforce for a slave camp geared to churning out profit on the backs of super-exploited workers.
This chapter in Scottish workers’ history is rich in lessons - too numerous to cover in one article. But above all, it proved the willingness of working people - working women in particular - to stand up and fight for their rights if they are given even half a lead.
And it underlined the need to construct a fighting leadership in their unions, in contrast to those over-paid union officials who quake in their well-heeled boots at the thought of defying vicious anti-union laws designed to enslave workers for profit.
We should never forget the women and men of Timex who showed such courage, tenacity and ingenuity - in a titanic battle that could have been won with a different type of leadership at the head of the unions.
A new young generation of workers should be inspired to follow their example - and learn from it.